People who love the music would keep on raving without the drugs.
For example, a female university varsity athlete who was interviewed was concerned about her teammates findings out about her raving and, for this reason, actively hid her raver identity.
There are people who go all out in terms of costumes and that sort of thing are concerned and that's one of the neat things about it, you can't tell how long someone's been raving based on their costume or based on their outward appearance or how much they understand about raving based on their outward appearance.
In its ideal form, then, rave is a "quiet" social movement and raving a depoliticized form of resistance than can usefully and progressively alter everyday practices, as McRobbie (1993, 1994) has argued.
Moreover, and without discounting the importance of considering and highlighting the variations of rave resistance noted throughout this section or the empowerment that can be gained from raving, it is crucial to be sensitive to the multitude of ways that a social/youth 'movement' can be interpreted by theorists, and the related potential for these commentators to overstate the actual resistive potential of the group.
Consider also the finding that experienced ravers tended to retrospectively suggest that in their early days of raving, when they 'lost themselves in the partying', they were actually lost (a contrast to Malbon's assertion that rave is the practice of "losing yourself to find yourself").
That is to say, just because youth 'know what they are doing' does not make raving resistant--but by the same token, it does not make them duped or unaware either.
1999a "A Snapshot of Raving in Toronto." Presentation given at forum called "Raving in Toronto" put on by the Toronto Drug Awareness Coalition, North York (Toronto), Ontario, Canada.
And third, the most powerful, overriding argument to emerge from the report was that the over-regulation of raves would drive raves underground, subsequently amplifying the risks associated with raving in Toronto.
What we see, therefore, is that through the subpolitical movement which developed around raving in Toronto -- at times cross-articulating with organizations representing other, more social distant causes -- the moralizing discourse constructed to characterize raves as risks was subverted by organizations working on behalf of Toronto's rave communities, subsequently amplifying the risks associated with banning raves from city spaces.