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Mexican standoff

slang An impasse, deadlock, or stalemate from which no party involved will or can emerge victorious. Also written "stand-off." (Note: This phrase may be considered offensive to Mexicans or those of Mexican heritage.) Primarily heard in US. No one on the board of directors was willing to compromise their position on the issue, and with each of us having veto power, it looked like we were heading into a Mexican standoff.
See also: Mexican

Mexican overdrive

the neutral gear position used when coasting downhill. US informal
This expression originated in the mid 20th century, especially in language used by long-distance truck drivers.
See also: Mexican, overdrive

Mexican breakfast

n. a cigarette and a cup of coffee or a glass of water. After a Mexican breakfast, I went to Marlowe’s hotel hoping to catch him before he went out.
See also: breakfast, Mexican
References in periodicals archive ?
This report offers detailed analysis of the Mexican defense industry with market size forecasts covering the next five years.
But the overarching impression given by Sanchez and his players was that Mexican futbol is far superior to U.
One of the first to take the plunge was the Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim Helu, head of Mexican telecom giant Telmex, taking control of Brazilian telecommunications company Embratel, the operator of Claro-brand cell phones and an investor in the cable TV company Net.
This chapter shows how ideas about race and labor segmentation relegated Mexican men to work in the poorly paid, backbreaking industry of brick making and confined them and their families to the "ethnic borders" of the company town.
Hudspeth County [Texas] sheriff's deputies and Texas state troopers ran into a convoy of Mexican vehicles transporting drugs on the U.
Counseling the Hispanic client: Cuban Americans, Mexican Americans, and Puerto Ricans.
That total included 4,558 Mexican Americans, about equally split between foreign and U.
Being half German and half Mexican, you've got a foot in both worlds.
states (Arizona, California, New Mexico, and Texas) and six Mexican states (Baha, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, Sonora, and Tamanlipas) face each other across the invisible line.
Larger proportions of Mexican and black mothers than of white mothers were teenagers (11% and 19%, respectively, vs.
According to preliminary findings by Macedo's electoral crimes prosecutor Maria de los Angeles Fromow, ChoicePoint bought voting lists from a Mexican database for $250,000 two years ago.
Francisco Cisneros, the executive director of the Pilsen-Little Village Community Mental Health Center, points out that the war on terrorism derailed attempts to win amnesty and legal resident status for undocumented Mexican workers.